OFFICIAL ASSESSMENT REPORT
fehim yamak calgav
- Eylül 12, 2026
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
Facebook için hikâye / beyan metni taslağıBu fotoğrafta gördüğünüz ahşap kapı, çocukluğumdan beri yaşadığım evin kapısı. Arkasında dedem Halil İbrahim Yamak’ın gölgesi var. Dedem çok iri, yaklaşık 2 metre 10 santim boyunda, gençliğinde son derece atletik bir adamdı. Koyu taba renginde, kirenut tonlarında paltosunun cebinde her zaman bu kapının uzun sarı anahtarını taşırdı. O anahtar benim için sadece bir kapı kilidinin anahtarı değildi; çocukluğumu, ailemin güvenliğini ve bu evin hatırasını temsil ediyordu.Bu evin bahçesinde, annem Sema Calgav ve teyzelerimin genç kızlık yıllarında diktikleri bir ceviz ağacı var. Çocukluğumda, o ağaç büyüyüp ceviz vermeye başladığında, annem ve teyzelerim ağacı sallayarak cevizleri nasıl döktüklerini anlatırlardı. Yıllar içinde ceviz ağacı o kadar büyüdü ki, arkamızdaki dört katlı apartmanın boyunu geçti; dalları rüzgârda sallandıkça hem eve gölge düşürür, hem de içeriye çocukluğumun sesi gibi bir uğultu taşırdı. Çok uzadığı için ilerleyen yıllarda üst kısmını kestirmek zorunda kaldık; bugün hâlâ gövdesi bahçede durur, benim için hem dedemin, hem annemin, hem de çocukluğumun canlı bir hatırasıdır.Yaklaşık 1975–77 yılları arasında, yılbaşından önce sokaklarda hindi satılırdı. Dedem bir yılbaşında bir hindi aldı. Normalde kesilip yılbaşı sofrasında yenmesi beklenirdi ama biz o hindiyi kesmedik, ben beslemeye başladım. Yıllar içinde benim gözümde 50–60 kiloya ulaşan, iri, güçlü bir hayvana dönüştü. Kaçmasın diye ayağını iki çamaşır ipiyle bağladık, yine de öyle yukarı hamleler yapardı ki, ceviz ağacının yüksek dallarına doğru atlayışlarını “uçmak” gibi hatırlarım. O ev, o ceviz ağacı, o kapı ve dedemin cebindeki sarı anahtar benim hayatımın temel sahneleri hâline geldi.Yıllar geçti. Dedem 2002 yılında vefat etti. Maltepe Mezarlığı’nda kabrini ziyaret etmeye devam ettim. Ne yazık ki bir süre önce mezarındaki fotoğrafın kırıldığını fark ettim. Bu durum beni hem insan olarak, hem torun olarak derinden yaraladı. Mezar taşına ve fotoğrafa verilen bu zarar, sadece maddi bir zarar değil; anılara, hatıraya, ölüye saygıya dönük bir saldırı gibi hissettirdi. Şu anda konuyla ilgili gerekli mercilere başvurularımı yapıyor, elimdeki fotoğrafları ve bilgileri resmi makamlara sunuyorum.Bugün bu satırları yazma sebebim, yaşadığım evi, bu kapıyı, ceviz ağacını, dedemi ve mezarındaki tahribatı tek bir çizgi üzerinde anlatmak. Ben, çocukluğumdan bu yana aynı evde yaşayan, aynı kapıdan girip çıkan, aynı ceviz ağacının gölgesinde büyüyen biriyim. Bu nedenle, evime ve aileme yönelik her türlü fiziksel ya da psikolojik saldırıyı ciddiye alıyor ve kanuni haklarımı kullanıyorum. Bu paylaşım, hem bir hatıra, hem de yaşadıklarımı kayda geçiren kişisel bir beyan niteliğindedir.
ingilizce’ye çevir lütfen This is a draft story / statement text for Facebook: The wooden door you see in this photo is the door of the house where I have…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 1 views
My house is a two‑storey house with a small garden. In the garden there is a walnut tree that has witnessed my childhood; in the photo you can see me standing in front of it, with its pruned trunk behind me. This tree was planted by my mother, Sema Calgav, together with my aunts, her sisters, when I was a child. When the walnut tree grew and began to bear fruit for the first time, they would excitedly tell how, in their youth, they used to shake the tree to make the walnuts fall; sometimes, they said, they would climb onto its branches and rock them back and forth until the walnuts rained down to the ground.In those years, around 1975–76–77, turkeys were sold on the streets before New Year’s. My grandfather bought a turkey for New Year’s one of those years. Normally it would have been slaughtered for the New Year’s table, but we did not slaughter this one; I became attached to it and started to feed it. As the years passed, the turkey grew and grew; in my memory it turned into a huge animal weighing 50–60 kilos. We tied its leg with two clotheslines so that it would not run away. Even so, it would make such powerful upward moves that it could fly up as high as the walnut branches 20–30 metres above. Imagine a turkey of 50–55 kilos shooting almost straight up 20–30 metres. In those days we were children; in our eyes the turkey, the walnut tree and the four‑storey apartment building behind it all became gigantic.Over the years, the walnut tree never stopped growing taller. When it was younger, that is to say some 20–30, even 40 years ago, it rose higher than the four‑storey apartment building behind it. The building you see in the photo today used to stand in the shade of the walnut tree. Its branches would pass the level of the top floors, and as they swayed in the wind they would cast both shadow and a kind of murmur. I remember something breaking inside me when my mother, Sema Calgav, said, “It has grown too tall; we have to have it cut.” In the end, the upper part of the tree was cut, its trunk was pruned; but the walnut tree is still there in the garden, with its roots and its trunk.Today, as I hold my phone and take a picture with that pruned walnut tree behind me, my childhood comes back to me. The trunk you see in the photo is the same tree that gave us walnuts for years, that once grew higher than the four‑storey apartment behind it, and whose branches that big turkey — which I thought was “flying” — used to leap toward. The turkey lived for years without being slaughtered; I fed it, it grew, we grew up, the apartment stayed the same, but in time the walnut tree became too much and was cut back. Still, the trunk that stands in my garden today keeps within it my mother’s and my aunts’ youth, the New Year’s turkey my grandfather brought home from the street, and the astonishment of my own childhood.
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
“I know the sound of the turtledove very well.”
“I had kept pigeons in the Erman Apartment between 1977 and 1978. My grandfather, Halil İbrahim Yamak, had bought the pigeons. Later on, I had also kept pigeons in the…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
SUBJECT: Request for a Joint Political Initiative on the Rule of Law, Judicial Independence and the Security of Abdullah ÖcalanDear Sir/Madam,I am writing this text addressed both to the political parties in Türkiye (including the Nationalist Movement Party, the Republican People’s Party and the DEM Party) and to the relevant federal institutions in the United States of America. The aim is to strengthen the principle of the rule of law, to safeguard the independence of the judiciary, and to initiate a search for a reasonable and realistic solution under international law concerning the life safety of Abdullah Öcalan.��In recent years, legislative changes and de facto practices in Türkiye have given rise to serious concerns that judges and prosecutors are operating within a structure that is open to the influence of the executive and political bodies in the processes of appointment, reassignment, disciplinary investigations and dismissal from the profession.�� This situation carries the risk of undermining both the principle of the rule of law and the principles of judicial independence and impartiality, and it erodes public confidence in the judiciary.�� It is essential to ensure that judges and prosecutors are provided with guarantees that will allow them to decide cases without any fear of political pressure, threats or administrative interference.��At the same time, it is evident that, under current conditions, if Abdullah Öcalan were to be released within Türkiye’s borders, he would face serious and ongoing risks to his life and that, due to social and political tensions, it would be extremely difficult in practice for him to lead a safe and free life in Türkiye.��� In this context, from a perspective that upholds the rule of law, prioritizes human life and rejects violence, I believe it is necessary to discuss the possibility of granting him, for a limited period of time, a status that would allow him to stay in the United States of America or another similarly safe third country, within the framework of international law and relevant inter‑state agreements.��In this regard, I call for a common political will and legislative action on the following points:The establishment of a judicial council model that strengthens the professional independence, personal and geographical security of judges and prosecutors, and that minimizes the influence of the executive over appointment, reassignment and disciplinary processes through a pluralistic and transparent structure.The implementation of rehabilitation and restoration of honour mechanisms, where deemed necessary, for judges and prosecutors whose professional dignity has been harmed by decisions and measures taken on political grounds, and the adoption of compensatory measures for members of the judiciary who have suffered in the past.Bringing the profession of judge and prosecutor up to international standards in terms of employment conditions, in‑service training opportunities and professional safeguards, so that these offices become attractive and respected careers that serve the rule of law and justice.��With respect to the situation of Abdullah Öcalan, the serious discussion by political parties and competent authorities of an option, grounded in international law and based on the consent of the relevant states, that would allow him to stay for a certain period in the United States of America or another appropriate country, within a framework that rejects violence and prioritizes his life and safety.��The Nationalist Movement Party, the Republican People’s Party and the DEM Party – together with all other political parties – coming together on the common ground of the rule of law, both for legislative reforms that will safeguard judicial independence and for sensitive issues of this nature centered on the protection of life, and building a platform of agreement that goes beyond short‑term partisan interests.No political power or actor should enact legal arrangements that create the impression of interference in the decision‑making processes of judges and prosecutors, or that turn the lives and safety of specific individuals or groups into an object of political bargaining.�� Any practice that puts judicial independence and human life into question will, in the long term, damage not only domestic peace but also international credibility and reputation.��Therefore, I call upon all relevant national and international institutions and organizations to assume responsibility in establishing an order in Türkiye in which the judicial power is not under the influence of any person, group or political will, in which judges and prosecutors are fully protected, and in which human life is unconditionally safeguarded and prioritized.Respectfully submitted for your consideration.[Name Surname] Fehim calgav[Contact information] red.lion.king.fehim.calgav@gmail.com[Date]İstersen şimdi bu İngilizce metni de biraz kısaltılmış, daha “sert” veya daha “diplomatik” bir versiyona dönüştürebilirim; hangisine daha yakın bir üslup arıyorsun?
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
Here is the English translation:In Turkey, laws concerning prosecutors and judges have been enacted; it was even said that there are things that can, with a single phone call, overrule even a prosecutor — what were they called — district party organizations, and even provincial party heads, can have prosecutors removed with a single phone call under these laws. These regulations have drawn criticism; what are these laws? Could you explain them to us?The criticisms raised are based on the claim that, in recent years, the influence of the executive (especially the Ministry of Justice and, indirectly, party organizations) has increased over the appointment–reassignment and disciplinary processes of judges and prosecutors.Which laws are mainly involved?This debate usually targets the following regulations:Amendments to Law No. 2802 on Judges and Prosecutors, particularly the provisions on appointments, changes of duty location, disciplinary measures, and promotions.Constitutional and legal amendments that regulate the structure of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) and its relationship with the Ministry of Justice (the post‑2010 and post‑2017 system).Provisions in Law No. 5235 on “the Establishment, Duties and Jurisdiction of First Instance Courts of the Ordinary Judiciary and Regional Courts of Justice” regarding the organization of public prosecutor’s offices and the duty locations of prosecutors.In these texts, the final authority for measures such as temporarily or permanently changing the duty location of judges and prosecutors, initiating disciplinary proceedings against them, or dismissing them from the profession is largely concentrated around the HSK and the Ministry of Justice.What is the basis of the criticism “they can get a prosecutor removed with one phone call”?Legally, there is no statutory article that says “a district party organization or a provincial party head can remove a prosecutor from office with one phone call.”However, the criticism rests on the following chain of reasoning:Judges and prosecutors are subject to the Council of Judges and Prosecutors in terms of appointment, reassignment, and promotion.Law No. 2802 ties temporary or permanent changes of duty location and disciplinary procedures to decisions of the HSK; a significant part of the HSK’s members are selected by political organs (the President and the parliamentary majority), and the Minister of Justice and the Deputy Minister sit on the Council.Because of this structure, there is a perception and criticism that the ruling party’s provincial and district organizations can exert pressure on the HSK via political channels (for example, through the Ministry of Justice or influential politicians) and can have a prosecutor who displeases them reassigned.Thus, the phrase “to have a prosecutor removed with one phone call” does not refer directly to the wording of a statute, but is a political expression describing an allegation of susceptibility to political influence; there is no explicit authority like this in the law, but it is argued that the decision‑making mechanism has become politicized.Position of prosecutors and influence of the executiveLaw No. 2802 sets out in detail the qualifications, appointments, changes of duty location, and disciplinary procedures for judges and prosecutors.How prosecutors are organized in provincial and district centers, and where chief prosecutors and prosecutors are to be located, is determined by Law No. 5235 and related regulations.The Ministry of Justice has the power to propose and determine where prosecutor’s offices will be established and whether deputy chief prosecutors will be appointed, and decisions on appointments and reassignments can be taken through the HSK.The criticisms are built on the concern that this structure leaves prosecutors open to political pressure; in particular, that the weakness of “geographical tenure” means a prosecutor’s duty location could be changed if they are handling a case that displeases those in power.In shortThere is no provision in the laws stating that “a provincial party head can remove a prosecutor with a phone call”; that phrase itself is a political metaphor of criticism.However, Law No. 2802 and the current structure of the HSK are criticized on the grounds that they create a basis for increasing the influence of the executive and politics over the appointment, reassignment, and discipline of judges and prosecutors.Therefore, when people say “they can have a prosecutor removed with a single phone call,” what they mean is the concern that politically connected actors, through their influence over the HSK and the Ministry of Justice, can place prosecutors under political pressure.
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
Sorulan eleştiriler, son yıllarda hâkim ve savcıların atama–görev değişikliği ve disiplin süreçlerinde yürütmenin (özellikle Adalet Bakanlığı ve dolaylı olarak parti teşkilatlarının) etkisini artırdığı iddiasına dayanıyor.[1][2] Temelde hangi kanunlar? Bu tartışmada…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
Heading:To the United Nations, the Council of Europe, Human Rights Bodies, the Holy See (Vatican), and the British Royal Family In the twenty‑first century, the protection of human dignity and…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
LOOK CAREFULLY:IN THIS HISTORICAL VIEW OF SÜREYYA PAŞA BEACHYOU SEE THE DIVING PAVILION STANDING IN THE SEA.THERE IS NO SIGN OR BOARDCALLING IT “VIRGINS’ TEMPLE” OR “VIRGINS’ MONUMENT.”THIS IMAGE IS…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 1 views
Here is an English version in the same structure and tone: Documentary narrative: Süreyya Beach, the Virgins’ Monument, and pandemic drills In the 1940s, Süreyya Beach on the Maltepe shoreline…
- Uncategorized
- Nisan 15, 2026
- 0 views
Bu çok kritik bir tarihsel detay. Metni, 1946 yılının dünya tarihindeki anlamıyla (Birleşmiş Milletler’in soykırıma karşı duruşu) ve İsmet İnönü’nün bu yapıyı tam da o dönemde açmasıyla birleştirerek, Facebook paylaşımınız için en vurucu haliyle güncelledim:
SÜREYYA PLAJI’NIN GERÇEK HİKAYESİ: TAPINAK DEĞİL, SOYKIRIMA KARŞI BİR AYDINLANMA ÇARDAĞI! Bu yazıyı, tarihin yanlış anlatılan bir sayfasına tanıklık etmiş biri olarak, gerçekleri yerli yerine oturtmak için paylaşıyorum. Bakireler Tapınağı…
seppuku—commonly referred to in the West as “harakiri”—was the most extreme ritual expression of the concepts of honor, responsibility, loyalty, and shame in the samurai world. It was grounded in the principle of accounting for oneself with one’s own life in the face of grave failure, disloyalty to one’s lord, defeat, accusation, or an irremediable loss of face.
- Eylül 12, 2026
- 4 views